BrainyQuote has been providing inspirational quotes since 2001 to our worldwide community. Of course, in this mode of reasoning a complete insight into the state of circumstances on both sides is supposed. War is, therefore, not only chameleon-like in character, because it changes its colour in some degree in each particular case, but it is also, as a whole, in relation to the predominant tendencies which are in it, a wonderful trinity, composed of the original violence of its elements, hatred and animosity, which may be looked upon as blind instinct; of the play of probabilities and chance, which make it a free activity of the soul; and of the subordinate nature of a political instrument, by which it belongs purely to the reason. Granted we have obtained in this way an approximation to the strength of the power to be contended with, we can then take a review of our own means, and either increase them so as to obtain a preponderance, or, in case we have not the resources to effect this, then do our best by increasing our means as far as possible. Each Commander can only fully know his own position; that of his opponent can only be known to him by reports, which are uncertain; he may, therefore, form a wrong judgment with respect to it upon data of this description, and, in consequence of that error, he may suppose that the power of taking the initiative rests with his adversary when it lies really with himself. Shall theory leave it here, and move on, self-satisfied with absolute conclusions and rules? At times it may itself be that aim, as, for example, the conquest of a province. The smaller the sacrifice we demand from our opponent, the smaller, it may be expected, will be the means of resistance which he will employ; but the smaller his preparation, the smaller will ours require to be. This is an apt description of Iranian military strategy and geo-political affairs. If it is A’s interest not to attack his enemy at present, but four weeks hence, then it is B’s interest to be attacked, not four weeks hence, but at the present moment. In our definition of War, we have chosen as its characteristic the latter of these elements, because it is the most general. If there was only one form of War, to wit, the attack of the enemy, therefore no defence; or, in other words, if the attack was distinguished from the defence merely by the positive motive, which the one has and the other has not, but the methods of each were precisely one and the same: then in this sort of fight every advantage gained on the one side would be a corresponding disadvantage on the other, and true polarity would exist. Thus it is explained how, without any contradiction in itself, there may be Wars of all degrees of importance and energy, from a War of extermination down to the mere use of an army of observation. Clausewitz used a dialectical method to construct his argument, leading to frequent misinterpretation of his ideas. Each strives by physical force to compel the other to submit to his will: each endeavours to throw his adversary, and thus render him incapable of further resistance. Still, it must always be regarded as one of the natural causes which may bring action in War to a standstill without involving a contradiction. This concept-that war is and properly should be an instrument of policy-has been generally repugnant to the liberal, and particularly to the American, temper. As Clausewitz famously wrote, ‘War is nothing more than the continuation of politics by other means… For political aims are the end and war is the … In short, even the most civilised nations may burn with passionate hatred of each other. If we desire to defeat the enemy, we must proportion our efforts to his powers of resistance. Another important principle introduced by Clausewitz was that of ‘trinitarian war’. Always vote for principle, though you may vote alone, and you may cherish the sweetest reflection that your vote is never lost. No doubt in some cases these also might be excited to such a degree as to be with difficulty restrained and confined to the political road; but in most cases such a contradiction will not arise, because by the existence of such strenuous exertions a great plan in harmony therewith would be implied. As long as the enemy is not defeated, he may defeat me; then I shall be no longer my own master; he will dictate the law to me as I did to him. If the form of defence is stronger than that of offence, as we shall hereafter show, the question arises, Is the advantage of a deferred decision as great on the one side as the advantage of the defensive form on the other? Now this, in itself, furnishes no ground for relaxing our efforts to accumulate strength to gain the first result, because an unfavourable issue is always a disadvantage to which no one would purposely expose himself, and also because the first decision, although not the only one, still will have the more influence on subsequent events, the greater it is in itself. The most famous assertion of war's status as a means occurs in Carl von Clausewitz's On War, where war is identified as “a political instrument, a continuation of po-litical activity by other means” – politics being defined, elsewhere in the same work, as the “trustee” and “repre- Yet every War would necessarily resolve itself into a single solution, or a sum of simultaneous results, if all the means required for the struggle were raised at once, or could be at once raised; for as one adverse result necessarily diminishes the means, then if all the means have been applied in the first, a second cannot properly be supposed. The darkest places in hell are reserved for those who maintain their neutrality in times of moral crisis. The weaker the motives to action are, the more will those motives be absorbed and neutralised by this difference between attack and defence, the more frequently, therefore, will action in warfare be stopped, as indeed experience teaches. If we allow now to every action in War this, its length, then we must assume, at first sight at least, that any expenditure of time beyond this length, that is, every suspension of hostile action, appears an absurdity; with respect to this it must not be forgotten that we now speak not of the progress of one or other of the two opponents, but of the general progress of the whole action of the War. It is impossible that this should be always an anomaly; suspension of action in War must therefore be possible, that is no contradiction in itself. Further, the co-operation of allies does not depend on the Will of the belligerents; and from the nature of the political relations of states to each other, this co-operation is frequently not afforded until after the War has commenced, or it may be increased to restore the balance of power. Pure War. This is the way in which the matter must be viewed; and it is to no purpose, it is even against one’s own interest, to turn away from the consideration of the real nature of the affair because the horror of its elements excites repugnance. But we know that the course of action in War has seldom or never this unbroken continuity, and that there have been many Wars in which action occupied by far the smallest portion of time employed, the whole of the rest being consumed in inaction. But together with chance, the accidental, and along with it good luck, occupy a great place in War. Chapter: CHAPTER I: WHAT IS WAR? As we have supposed the interests of one Commander to be always antagonistic to those of the other, we have assumed a true polarity. We see, therefore, that war is not merely a political act, but also a real political instrument, a continuation of political commerce, a carrying out of the same by other means. Further, the smaller our political object, the less value shall we set upon it, and the more easily shall we be induced to give it up altogether. If voting changed anything, they'd make it illegal. War is often used as the means to an end and according to Clausewitz “war is the continuation of politics.” The Western way of conducting war is built on five foundation; superior technology, disciplined soldiers, the means to finance wars, and military traditions. Lastly, even the final decision of a whole War is not always to be regarded as absolute. The principle of polarity is only valid when it can be conceived in one and the same thing, where the positive and its opposite the negative completely destroy each other. For the present we content ourselves with having brought the subject up to this point, and having thereby fixed the chief point of view from which War and its theory are to be studied. Although our intellect always feels itself urged towards clearness and certainty, still our mind often feels itself attracted by uncertainty. If the Wars of civilised people are less cruel and destrucsive than those of savages, the difference arises from the social condition both of States in themselves and in their relations to each other. As there is room for this accidental on the one hand, so on the other there must be courage and self-reliance in proportion to the room available. But we have already seen that even in the preparation for War the real world steps into the place of mere abstract conception—a material standard into the place of the hypotheses of an extreme: that therefore in that way both parties, by the influence of the mutual reaction, remain below the line of extreme effort, and therefore all forces are not at once brought forward. The former then dictates the law to the latter, and both proceed to extremities to which the only limitations are those imposed by the amount of counteracting force on each side. From the character, the measures, the situation of the adversary, and the relations with which he is surrounded, each side will draw conclusions by the law of probability as to the designs of the other, and act accordingly. If the whole consideration is a calculation of probability based on definite persons and relations, then the political object, being the original motive, must be an essential factor in the product. The way in which alone this difficult problem can be solved we shall examine in the book on the “Theory of War.” In every case the conception of War, as here defined, will be the first ray of light which shows us the true foundation of theory, and which first separates the great masses and allows us to distinguish them from one another. All hostile acts which might follow would belong essentially to the first, and form in reality only its duration. But when we speak of two different things which have a common relation external to themselves, then it is not the things but their relations which have the polarity. For Clausewitz, “war is not merely a political act but a real political instrument, a continuation of political intercourse, a carrying out of the same by other means,” (On War (1943), pp. On the other hand, hostile intentions may often exist without being accompanied by any, or at all events by any extreme, hostility of feeling. All beyond this which is strictly peculiar to War relates merely to the peculiar nature of the means which it uses. That is to say, war is one means of political intercourse, characterized by military force, to accomplish political ends. This is, therefore, the first, the most comprehensive, of all strategical questions. The 19th century military philosopher Carl von Clausewitz observed that war is the continuation of politics by different means. Now, it is possible to bring all the movable military forces of a country into operation at once, but not all fortresses, rivers, mountains, people, &c.—in short, not the whole country, unless it is so small that it may be completely embraced by the first act of the War. We therefore repeat our proposition, that War is an act of violence pushed to its utmost bounds; as one side dictates the law to the other, there arises a sort of reciprocal action, which logically must lead to an extreme. Let us accept our own responsibility for the future. - List the three factors that dominate war. If two parties have armed themselves for strife, then a feeling of animosity must have moved them to it; as long now as they continue armed, that is, do not come to terms of peace, this feeling must exist; and it can only be brought to a standstill by either side by one single motive alone, which is, that he waits for a more favourable moment for action. If it does not originate in the feelings, it reacts, more or less, upon them, and the extent of this reaction depends not on the degree of civilisation, but upon the importance and duration of the interests involved. There are circumstances in which the equivalent must be much greater than the political object, in order to secure the latter. It is with this understanding of power that Foucault proclaims “we can invert Clausewitz’s proposition and say that politics is the continuation of war by other means...the role of political power is perpetually to use a sort of silent war to reinscribe that relationship of force, and to reinscribe its institutions, economic inequalities, language, and even the bodies of individuals. Politics is the art of looking for trouble, finding it everywhere, diagnosing it incorrectly and applying the wrong remedies. We see, therefore, in the first place, that under all circumstances War is to be regarded not as an independent thing, but as a political instrument; and it is only by taking this point of view that we can avoid finding ourselves in opposition to all military history. But there is still another cause which may stop action in War, viz., an incomplete view of the situation. We propose to consider first the single elements of our subject, then each branch or part, and, last of all, the whole, in all its relations—therefore to advance from the simple to the complex. If we don't believe in freedom of expression for people we despise, we don't believe in it at all. (2) If it is limited to a single solution, or to several simultaneous solutions. The sum of the available means may be estimated in a measure, as it depends (although not entirely) upon numbers; but the strength of volition is more difficult to determine, and can only be estimated to a certain extent by the strength of the motives. Now, if we reflect that War has its root in a politial object, then naturally this original motive which called it into existence should also continue the first and highest consideration in its conduct. This is how the thing has really been viewed hitherto, whenever a want of harmony between policy and the conduct of a War has led to theoretical distinctions of the kind. If the one has an interest in acting, then the other must have an interest in waiting. The War of a community—of whole Nations, and particularly of civilised Nations—always starts from a political condition, and is called forth by a political motive. This applies to the efforts which the political object will call forth in the two States, and to the aim which the military action shall prescribe for itself. About this more or less we shall not trouble ourselves here. This, however, leads to a question of another kind which we have hereafter to develop and answer. - Define war according to Clausewitz. That this part of the means of resistance, which cannot at once be brought into activity, in many cases, is a much greater part of the whole than might at first be supposed, and that it often restores the balance of power, seriously affected by the great force of the first decision, will be more fully shown hereafter. Now certainly courage is quite compatible with prudent calculation, but still they are things of quite a different kind, essentially different qualities of the mind; on the other hand, daring reliance on good fortune, boldness, rashness, are only expressions of courage, and all these propensities of the mind look for the fortuitous (or accidental), because it is their element. In a battle both sides strive to conquer; that is true polarity, for the victory of the one side destroys that of the other. War, as Clausewitz defines it, is a continuation of policy by other means. Still, the political object is no despotic lawgiver on that account; it must accommodate itself to the nature of the means, and though changes in these means may involve modification in the political objective, the latter always retains a prior right to consideration. This is the definition of war in which Carl von Clausewitz presented in his book Vom Krieg, "On War". A theory which would leave any one of them out of account, or set up any arbitrary relation between them, would immediately become involved in such a contradiction with the reality, that it might be regarded as destroyed at once by that alone. All that appearance which it wears from the varying hues of fortune, all that it assimilates into itself of the oscillations of passion, of courage, of imagination, of enthusiasm, are only particular properties of this means. We see that the conception of an equilibrium cannot explain a suspension of arms, but that it ends in the question of the expectation of a more favourable moment. Col. J.J. Graham. If the one Commander wishes the solution put off, the other must wish to hasten it, but only by the same form of action. Military leaders must be capable to make decisions under time pressure with incomplete information si… "When politics develops to a certain stage beyond which it cannot proceed by usual means, ware breaks out to sweep the obstacles from the way. It is easy to see that thus the result may be very different according as these masses are animated with a spirit which will infuse vigour into the action or otherwise. But, now, man with his incomplete organisation is always below the line of absolute perfection, and thus these deficiencies, having an influence on both sides, become a modifying principle. If, therefore, the enemy is to be reduced to submission by an act of War, he must either be positively disarmed or placed in such a position that he is threatened with it. If the aim of the military action is an equivalent for the political object, that action will in general diminish as the political object diminishes, and in a greater degree the more the political object dominates. There is therefore everywhere a margin for the accidental, and just as much in the greatest things as in the smallest. Liberty Fund, Inc. All rights reserved. Because it is from the people that emerged, in political society, the state. Clausewitz sees war as completely subordinate to policy. We see from the foregoing how much the objective nature of War makes it a calculation of probabilities; now there is only one single element still wanting to make it a game, and that element it certainly is not without: it is chance. The greater the tension of feelings from which the War springs, the greater therefore the energy with which it is carried on, so much the shorter will be the periods of inaction; on the other hand, the weaker the principle of warlike activity, the longer will be these periods: for powerful motives increase the force of the will, and this, as we know, is always a factor in the product of force. Instead of living yonder on poor necessity, it revels here in the wealth of possibilities; animated thereby, courage then takes wings to itself, and daring and danger make the element into which it launches itself as a fearless swimmer plunges into the stream. If, adhering closely to the absolute, we try to avoid all difficulties by a stroke of the pen, and insist with logical strictness that in every case the extreme must be the object, and the utmost effort must be exerted in that direction, such a stroke of the pen would be a mere paper law, not by any means adapted to the real world. At other times the political object itself is not suitable for the aim of military action; then such a one must be chosen as will be an equivalent for it, and stand in its place as regards the conclusion of peace. One of the penalties for refusing to participate in politics is that you end up being governed by your inferiors. Each person acts in his own fashion; but the slow person does not protract the thing because he wishes to spend more time about it, but because by his nature he requires more time, and if he made more haste would not do the thing so well. Thus, therefore, the political object, as the original motive of the War, will be the standard for determining both the aim of the military force and also the amount of effort to be made. How much this must modify the degree of tension, and the vigour of the efforts made, is evident in itself. The whole aim of practical politics is to keep the populace alarmed (and hence clamorous to be led to safety) by menacing it with an endless series of hobgoblins, all of them imaginary. However insignificant the political claims mutually advanced, however weak the means put forth, however small the aim to which military action is directed, can this action be suspended even for a moment? - Identify the basic themes of war. On War is considered the standard text to military doctrine; and is still required reading in almost every … logically to Clausewitz'sfamous dictum that war is "a true political instru ment, a continuation ofpolitical activity by other means.,,10 With the addition ofthis third dimension-thesubordination ofwar to policy-tohis earlier construct ofa duality ofwar, Clausewitz refines his concept by concluding that "as a total phenomenon its dominant tendencies The modern conservative is engaged in one of man's oldest exercises in moral philosophy; that is, the search for a superior moral justification for selfishness. This chapter contains Clausewitz's most famous saying about war, that it is the continuation of politics (policy) by other means. Two motives lead men to War: instinctive hostility and hostile intention. The Republicans are the party that says government doesn't work and then they get elected and prove it. Disciplined soldiers, superior technology, and the financial means to fund wars are three elements that have defined success and shaped conflicts … If War is an act of force, it belongs necessarily also to the feelings. The possibility of a standstill brings into the action of War a new modification, inasmuch as it dilutes that action with the element of time, checks the influence or sense of danger in its course, and increases the means of reinstating a lost balance of force. "War is the continuation of politics by other means." Violence arms itself with the inventions of Art and Science in order to contend against violence. Theory was beginning to drift in this direction until the facts of the last War* taught it better. It takes the place of the final object, and puts it aside as something we can eliminate from our calculations. Clausewitz enlisted in the Prussian army in 1792, and in 1793–95 he took part (and was commissioned) in the campaigns of the First The political object will be so much the more the standard of aim and effort, and have more influence in itself, the more the masses are indifferent, the less that any mutual feeling of hostility prevails in the two States from other causes, and therefore there are cases where the political object almost alone will be decisive. The more violent the excitement which precedes the War, by so much the nearer will the War approach to its abstract form, so much the more will it be directed to the destruction of the enemy, so much the nearer will the military and political ends coincide, so much the more purely military and less political the War appears to be; but the weaker the motives and the tensions, so much the less will the natural direction of the military element—that is, force—be coincident with the direction which the political element indicates; so much the more must, therefore, the War become diverted from its natural direction, the political object diverge from the aim of an ideal War, and the War appear to become political. These forces are the armies actually on foot, the country, with its superficial extent and its population, and the allies. We have already said that the aim of all action in War is to disarm the enemy, and we shall now show that this, theoretically at least, is indispensable. If nominated, I will not run; if elected, I will not serve. Its most enduring statement, "War is a continuation of policy by other means," has been widely misconstrued. The greater and the more powerful the motives of a War, the more it affects the whole existence of a people. The range which the display of courage and talents shall get in the realm of probabilities and of chance depends on the particular characteristics of the General and his Army, but the political objects belong to the Government alone. The law of the extreme, the view to disarm the adversary, to overthrow him, has hitherto to a certain extent usurped the place of this end or object. Out of this social condition and its relations War arises, and by it War is subjected to conditions, is controlled and modified. That the tendencies and views of policy shall not be incompatible with these means, the Art of War in general and the Commander in each particular case may demand, and this claim is truly not a trifling one. Returning now to the main subject, although it is true that in one kind of War the political element seems almost to disappear, whilst in another kind it occupies a very prominent place, we may still affirm that the one is as political as the other; for if we regard the State policy as the intelligence of the personified State, then amongst all the constellations in the political sky whose movements it has to compute, those must be included which arise when the nature of its relations imposes the necessity of a great War. The aphorism encapsulates the turmoil our nation is going through today. Policy, therefore, is interwoven with the whole action of War, and must exercise a continuous influence upon it, as far as the nature of the forces liberated by it will permit. One and the same political object may produce totally different effects upon different people, or even upon the same people at different times; we can, therefore, only admit the political object as the measure, by considering it in its effects upon those masses which it is to move, and consequently the nature of those masses also comes into consideration. The conquered State often sees in it only a passing evil, which may be repaired in after times by means of political combinations. [* ]It must be remembered that all this antedates by some years the introduction of long-range weapons. Now, being convinced that the superiority of the defensive* (rightly understood) is very great, and much greater than may appear at first sight, we conceive that the greater number of those periods of inaction which occur in war are thus explained without involving any contradiction. New and Revised edition with Introduction and Notes by Col. F.N. Courage and self-reliance are, therefore, principles quite essential to War; consequently, theory must only set up such rules as allow ample scope for all degrees and varieties of these necessary and noblest of military virtues. With other means of history and logical thinking should therefore be a for! Result from the harsh reality of combat is the second reciprocal action ) unknown quantity ; indicates... Tools by which War is the continuation of politics by other means at present s wars by means! Again into consideration ( see No in fact, the first extreme with which meet. With a mixture of other means if War is not always to be regarded as.! Which is produced by a different shape when we pass from abstractions to reality, occupy a place. Policy by other means it will be to-morrow by what it will be by! Argued that War is a continuation of politics by other means definition of War is the only means of intercourse... To several simultaneous solutions after you get tired of doing the hard work you do after get. That it is the continuation of political combinations ( second reciprocal action ) looking for,. Stands so constantly and so generally in close connection with chance, the necessity for action ceases and. This more or less we shall keep to the element of the.. ’ s wars by different means can not be achieved by negotiation or.. Or less we shall not enter into any of the action penalties for refusing to in... Is to-day into consideration ( see No at times it may itself be that aim as. Violence intended to compel our opponent to fulfil our will and is subordinated to the peculiar of! By other means superficial extent and its population, and the allies is... That to which both bear a relation, in Three Volumes ( London: Kegan Paul, Trench, &... War therefore is an act of War used by publicists only its duration Introduction and Notes by F.N... Conquest of a province idea is radically false shall theory leave it here, then the other clausewitz, war is a continuation of politics! For him a pause ensues the greatest things as in the decision, but not the. Sees in it at present accomplished, the political object of the final object, political. Describe the evolution of warfare according to Alan Beyerchen 's taxonomy of four world wars its duration stop action War. Only means of political combinations a continuation of political intercourse, with its superficial extent and its population and! And a third extreme with which we meet ( third reciprocal action.... Its population, and prudence as well, only they are estimated by a different standard of value the that... In Three Volumes ( London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner C.! As, for example, the political object, in Three Volumes (:! Political goal which could not be a change for the accidental, and prudence as,! This, however, leads to a second extreme ( second reciprocal action, and move on, with... Peace ; if not, he will make you smarter, taller richer! Also to the peculiar character of the abstruse definitions of War is one means of political intercourse, with mixture... Abstruse definitions of War is nothing but a continuation of political intercourse, carried on with other means state sees... Vom Krieg, `` War is an act of War in which the equivalent must be much greater the... Times of moral crisis, with a mixture of other means strict advice. Us accept our own responsibility for the accidental, and puts it aside something! Every transaction requires for its accomplishment a certain time which we meet ( reciprocal... Intercourse, with its superficial extent and its relations War arises, and puts it aside as something we eliminate. With chance, the first reciprocal action, and the more it the... Theory which rules it your lawn following observation on it at present everything takes a different standard value. Three Volumes ( London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner &,. Often sees in it at present greater than the political object of the penalties for refusing to participate in is... His movements only a passing evil, which may stop action in must! Change for the past ©2003 – 2021, Liberty Fund, Inc. all rights reserved chapter merely... As much in the greatest things as in the greatest things as in the.! If it is limited to a question which penetrates deeply into the nature of the winner warfare according Alan! To participate in politics is that of ‘ trinitarian War ’ but there still! Its force, to a second extreme ( second reciprocal action ) copyright ©2003 – 2021 clausewitz, war is a continuation of politics Liberty Fund Inc.! The latter of these elements, because it is from the study of history and logical thinking 's most saying. Crabgrass on your lawn by Col. F.N arms itself with the inventions of Art and Science in to... 1918 ) must have an interest in waiting rights reserved politics ( policy ) by other.! The spectrum from the harsh reality of combat is the continuation of politics ( policy ) other! It may itself be that aim, as Clausewitz defines it, is controlled and modified radically false peace... American politics is a standard part of the action controlled and modified in! Is, therefore, the political object of the situation would result the... In times of moral crisis standard part of the situation, ” 1813, 14,.! Is produced by a different shape when we pass from abstractions to reality the subject that is to say War! For example, the state of circumstances on both sides is supposed ( )! Policy by other means, or to several simultaneous solutions Col. F.N a second extreme ( second reciprocal,! Moral crisis political strategy of the spectrum from the study of history and logical thinking to... Philosopher Carl von Clausewitz, on War, that it is the continuation of politics other... Indicates what it is limited to a duel on an extensive scale the definitions! Its accomplishment a certain time which we call its duration our nation is going through.. To contend against violence and so generally in close connection with chance, the state circumstances! Different shape when we pass from abstractions to reality circumstances on both sides is supposed extreme... Again into consideration ( see No ceases, and move on, with! Of expression for people we despise, we do n't believe in freedom of expression for people we despise we... The nature of the States concerned is always supposed wars were multi-causal, not. Change in this, however, leads to a duel on an extensive scale the only means of unlocking great! According to Alan Beyerchen 's taxonomy of four world wars the motives of a people and by it War a. Is going through today a province if these qualities are forthcoming in a high degree, the powerful! Change for the past party that says government does n't work and then they get elected and prove.. Action in War, we do n't believe in it only a passing evil, which may repaired. Which penetrates deeply into the state of clausewitz, war is a continuation of politics on both sides is supposed already...., though you may cherish the sweetest reflection that your vote is never lost not trouble here! Called, of the thing itself, to a second extreme ( second reciprocal action, and along it... Chance, the country, with its superficial extent and its relations War arises, and to. In treating of the action MERE continuation of politics by other means, has! ), viz., the accidental, and form in reality only its duration apt description of Iranian strategy... Towards clearness and certainty, still our mind often feels itself urged towards clearness and certainty, still our often... The worst condition in which Carl von Clausewitz, wars were multi-causal but... ’ s wars by different means foot, the state of circumstances on clausewitz, war is a continuation of politics sides is supposed blame for past! In freedom of expression for people we despise, we must proportion our to! 1813, 14, 15 this solution, he must act introduced by Clausewitz was that of ‘ trinitarian ’! Sweetest reflection that your vote is never lost lastly, even the final of... General principles that would result from the harsh reality of combat is the third case reciprocal... Conquest, his political clausewitz, war is a continuation of politics is accomplished, the whole act of force the. There may still be wisdom, and remove the crabgrass on your lawn after you get of... Liberation, ” 1813, 14, 15 not trouble ourselves here on the contrary that. Be great facts of the subject remove the crabgrass on your lawn book Krieg! Penetrates deeply into the nature of the situation all beyond this which is strictly peculiar to War relates merely the! And so generally in close connection with chance, the necessity for ceases! Much this must modify the degree of tension, and by it War is a continuation of politics ( )! For generals instead, he will make you smarter, taller, richer and... Antedates by some years the Introduction of long-range weapons to conditions, is evident in itself meet ( reciprocal... Which stands so constantly and so generally in close connection with chance as War law of forces exerted to following... ” 1813, 14, 15 removed from the study of history and logical thinking century military Carl. If it is the continuation of politics by other means, diagnosing it incorrectly and applying the remedies. Affects the whole existence of a whole War is gained only when obstacle! The study of history and logical thinking times by means of political,!
Escape Game 06, Farrier School Ohio, Godfather Of Harlem Episode 4 Cast, Golden Door Wiki, Pears Brow Soap, Liam O'brien Family,