Thomas argues that increased responsibilities and rights given to slaves because of the War’s demands on the white population proved that the Confederacy was even willing to sacrifice slavery for independence, “White Southerners depended upon black Southerners to do more than till the fields and tend the campfires … As the war wore on the trend toward black labor became more pronounced. However, this initial ‘conservative revolution’ inspired by radicals was overtaken by the moderates of the political south who recognized the need for change. They emerged instead as idealists in the best nineteenth-century reform tradition. Subsequent counterrevolutions have consumed many revolutions throughout history. AN UNDERSTANDING OF this fundamental conflict over the relation between government and society helps explain the pervasive complaints concerning corruption and “extravagance” during Radical Reconstruction. Image-based Reconstruction of Wire Art LINGJIE LIU, The University of Hong Kong, University College London DUYGU CEYLAN, Adobe Research CHENG LIN, The University of Hong Kong WENPING WANG, The University of Hong Kong NILOY J. MITRA, University College London Fig. Regarding social mobility, the South was forced to embrace meritocracy, at least in the area of military matters. In the post-Civil War South the surest guarantee of economic autonomy, blacks believed, was land. Thus, the Emancipation Proclamation catalyzed the eventual Civil Rights movement of the mid-twentieth century. Du Bois produced, The Radicals in Congress were acquitted of both vindictive motives and the charge of serving as the stalking-horses of Northern capitalism. And with the waning of that movement in recent years, writing on Reconstruction has undergone still another transformation. Considering the conditions of trade for the South during the war, new ways of the trade needed to be located. As Foner attests, these new relations and lines of authority could only be created through constant give and take (strikes, work slowdown). Rather stability was seen as the optimum end. According to the Dunning School, the defeated South accepted its fate and wished to rejoin the national culture. Freedmen wished to avoid the chain gang-like labor conditions of slavery. Conflicts over whether black women should work in the cotton fields (planters said yes, many black families said no) and over white attempts to “apprentice” black children revealed that the autonomy of family life was a major preoccupation of the f reedmen. Kolchin’s work attempts to synthesize the prevailing studies of the day concerning slavery in America. Moreover, Du Bois pointedly remarked on the prevailing racial bias of the historical inquiry up to that moment, “One fact and one alone explains the attitude of most recent writers toward Reconstruction; they cannot conceive of Negroes as men.” Du Bois’s indictment served as a precursor for the explosion of revisionist history of the 1960s, which would latch onto the argument of Du Bois and refocus the debate concerning Reconstruction to include the central figures of the freedmen. This image of Reconstruction helped freeze the mind of the white South in unalterable opposition to any movement for breaching the ascendancy of the Democratic party, eliminating segregation, or readmitting disfranchised blacks to the vote. C. Vann Woodward contended that, Jefferson Davis and others saw the need for increased industry and urbanization, “A nation of farmers knew the frustration of going hungry, but Southern industry made great strides. They cynically used freedmen's civil rights as a means to force capitalism and economic dependence on the South. Southern freedmen were the heroes, the “Redeemers” who overthrew Reconstruction were the villains, and if the era was “tragic,” it was because change did not go far enough. But black supremacy never existed. Reconstruction aimed to provide a coherent synthesis combining recent scholarship and Foner’s conclusions to produce a comprehensive contemporary interpretation of the Reconstruction period. James McPherson provides a convincing account of the growing differences between the North and South on the eve of the war. The rise of wage labor placed wager earners in the North in opposition to the system of slavery in the South, and the rising population of the North (from immigration) increased tensions between the two regions. The United States government emerged more with increased authority over the states. Members of the planter class often won the elections to company commands.” Thus, the reader is left wondering what is meant by revolution since Thomas seems to be saying that the South revolutionizes during the war but then retreats from its revolution once the war comes to its conclusion. Accordingly, Northerners increasingly claimed to identify with egalitarian, free-market capitalism, which could only be maintained through a strong central government. We present an image-based method to reconstruct wire objects from a few input images (3 views in our experiments). According to Thomas, Reconstruction undid the revolutionary advances of the Confederacy, “Ironically, the internal revolution went to completion at the very time that the external revolution collapsed … The program of the radical Republicans may have failed to restructure Southern society. Their motives, a typically American amalgam of humanitarianism and the pursuit of profit, were no more insidious than those of Western pioneers. Suspension of civil liberties is a common wartime tactic (WWI, WWII). Concerning politics and reform, Kolchin notes, “The ‘perfectionist spirit’ that undergirded so much of the Northern reform effort in antebellum years, the drive continues to improve both social organization and the very human character itself, was largely absent in the South. Resulting from the influence and growth of railroads, trade relations were no longer centered on the North/South relationship but East to West. It presented a set of easily identifiable heroes and villains. However, despite the differing focus, Jones notes the desire for autonomy among African Americans. While it failed to provide them with the economic independence they desired, it did grant them land and some autonomy. According to Foner, blacks joined associations like the Union League, attended conventions, participated in rallies, each of which contributed to the freedmen’s political knowledge and awareness. Reconstruction argues similarly, “But in 1867, politics emerged as the principal focus of black aspirations. Unlike earlier writers, the revisionists stressed the active role of the freedmen in shaping Reconstruction. Twenty years before the American Civil War, writing about the prospect of abolition in France’s colonies, Alexis de Tocqueville had written, “If the Negroes have the right to become free, the [planters] have the incontestable right not to be ruined by the Negroes’ freedom.” And in the United States, as in nearly every plantation society that experienced the end of slavery, a rigid social and political dichotomy between former master and former slave, an ideology of racism, and a dependent labor force with limited economic opportunities all survived abolition. 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